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• • • The history of Chechnya may refer to the history of the, of their land, or of the land of. Chechen society has traditionally been organized around many autonomous local clans, called. The traditional Chechen saying goes that the members of Chechen society, like its taips, are (ideally) 'free and equal like wolves'. Jaimoukha notes in his book Chechens that sadly, ' history is perhaps the most poorly studied of the peoples of the. Much research effort was expended upon the Russo-Circassian war, most falsified at that.' There was once a library of Chechen history scripts, written in Chechen (and possibly some in Georgian) using Arabic and Georgian script; however, this was destroyed by and wiped from record (see - ). Contents • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • Prehistoric and archeological finds [ ] The first known settlement of what is now Chechnya is thought to have occurred around 12500 BCE, in mountain-cave settlements, whose inhabitants used basic tools, fire, and animal hides.

Traces of human settlement go back to 40000 BCE with and artifacts around. The ancestors of the Nakh peoples are thought to have populated the Central Caucasus around BCE. This colonization is thought by many (including E. Veidenbaum, who cites similarities with later structures to propose continuity ) to represent the whole Eastern Caucasian language family, though this is not universally agreed upon. The proto-language that is thought to be the ancestor of all Eastern Caucasian (“”) languages, in fact, has words for concepts such as the wheel (which is first found in the Central Caucasus around 4000–3000 BCE), so it is thought that the region had intimate links to the (many scholars supporting the thesis that the Eastern Caucasians originally came from the Northern Fertile Crescent, and backing this up with linguistic affinities of the and to the Northeast Caucasus). Has suggested that the ancestors of Eastern Caucasians had been involved in the birth of civilization in the Fertile Crescent. Definitely, at the time the proto-language split, the people had all these concepts very early on.

Kura-Arax culture [ ]. Main article: Towns were discovered in the area that is now Chechnya as early as 8000 BCE. Pottery, too, came around the same time, and so did stone weaponry, stone utensils, stone jewelry items, etc. (as well as clay dishes). This period was known as the culture. Notes that there was a large amount of cultural diffusion between the later Kura-Arax culture and the culture.

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The economy was primarily built around cattle and farming. Kayakent culture [ ] The trend of a highly progressive Caucasus continued: as early as 3000–4000 BCE, evidence of metalworking (including copper ) as well as more advanced weaponry (daggers, arrow heads found, as well as armor, knives, etc.). This period is referred to as the Kayakent culture, or Chechnya during the Copper Age. Horseback riding came around 3000 BCE, probably having diffused from contact with Indo-European-speaking tribes to the North. Towns found in this period, interestingly, are often not found as ruins, but rather on the outskirts of (or even inside) modern towns in both Chechnya and, suggesting much continuity. There is bone evidence suggesting that raising of small sheep and goats occurred. Clay and stone were used for all building purposes.

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Agriculture was highly developed, as evidenced by the presence of copper flint blades with wooden or bone handles. Kharachoi culture [ ] The term Kharachoi culture denotes the of Chechnya. Clay jugs and stone grain containers indicate a high level of development of trade and culture. Earlier finds show that extensive hunting was still practiced. There was a lack of pig bones, demonstrating that they domestication of pigs hadn't yet spread into the region. Bronze artifacts (dating back to the 19th century BCE) in modern-day Chechnya largely correspond with those of at the time, suggesting a cultural affinity. Iron had replaced stone, bronze and copper as the main substance for industry by the 10th century BCE, before most of Europe or even areas of the Middle East.

Koban culture [ ]. The Kingdom of Georgia at its greatest extent, with its tributaries and spheres of influence in the reign of Tamar. Durdzuketi is located northeast of Georgia, as a Georgian ally state. During the Middle Ages, the majority of the ancestors of the modern Vainakh are thought to have mostly lived along rivers and in between ridges, in their current ethnic territory. All the valleys in the upper reaches of the Argun, Assa, Darial and Fontanga saw the construction of complex stone architectures such as castles, shrines, churches, burial vaults and towers. The main body of various Nakh tribes were surrounded by Georgians to the South, Alans to the North and West with Khazars beyond them, and various Dagestani peoples to the East. Those Nakh peoples who were in Georgia assimilated into Georgian society.

The Nakh on the Northern side of the Greater Caucasus mountains, ancestors of the Chechens and Ingush, saw some southern tribes adopt Christianity due to Georgian influence in the fifth and sixth centuries, but they remained separate from Georgia. Instead, the areas that now make up Ingushetia and Chechnya were either ruled by Khazars, by Alans, by Dagestani peoples such as Avars or (later) Kumyks, or ruled by independent Nakh states such as Durdzuketia and Simsir.

Politics and trade [ ] By the early medieval ages, Vainakh society had become stratified into a order, with a king and. The Vainakh state was variously called Durdzuketia (or Dzurdzuketia) by the Georgians or Simsir by others, though they may not have been exactly similar. The origin of the more modern egalitarianism among the Vainakh is much later, after the end of the conflict with the, when the Vainakh eventually grew tired of the excesses of their feudal rulers and overthrew them (see Ichkeria section), establishing what Turkic peoples called Ichkeria - 'land of the free'.

At various times Vainakh came under the rule of the Sarmatian-speaking Alans to their west and Khazars to their north, in both cases as vassals or as allies depending on time period. In times of complete independence, they nonetheless tried to have strong bonds of friendship with these countries both for trade and military purposes. The Vainakh also forged strong links with for mutual protection as well as trade, and these were initially in the context of the threat of an Arab invasion (as happened to ) in the 8th century.

The contribution of the Vainakh to fending off Arab designs on the Caucasus was critical. The Vainakhs were also engaged in much trade as per their geographical position with long range trade partners (long range for the time period). Excavations have shown the presence of coins and other currency from in the Middle East including an eagle cast in Iraq (found in Ingushetia) and buried treasure containing 200 Arabian silver from the 9th century in Northern Chechnya.

Religion [ ] Until the 16th century and were mostly, practicing the. During the 11th-13th century (i.e. Before Mongol conquest), there was a mission of Georgian Orthodox missionaries to the Nakh peoples. Their success was limited, though a couple of highland teips did convert (conversion was largely by teip). However, during the Mongol invasion, these Christianized teips gradually reverted to paganism, perhaps due to the loss of trans-Caucasian contacts as the Georgians fought the Mongols and briefly fell under their dominion. Sarir [ ] Sarir was a principality centered on the city of, and it conquered parts of Chechnya during the fourth and fifth centuries.

It was organized according to rudimentary feudalism, and had as its state religion although many of its people remained pagan. It became a tributary state of Alania in the fifth century, then was conquered by the Savirs, a Hunnic people, in 630 CE, before being conquered by the Khazars in 651. Its people were noted for fierce resistance against the Arab invasions of the seventh, but they later allied with the Alans against their Khazar rulers in the tenth century. In 1032, a coalition of Sarir, Alania, and Tmuratakan attacked Shemakha, the capital Shirvan, in modern-day Azerbaijan. This section needs expansion. You can help.

(August 2010) During the Middle Ages, two states evolved in Chechnya that were run by Chechens. The first was Durdzuketia, which consisted of the highlands of Chechnya, Ingushetia, and (now in North Ossetia) and parts of central Chechnya and. It was allied to Georgia, and had heavy Georgian influence, permeating in its writing, in its culture and even in religion. Christianity was introduced from Georgia in the 10th century and became, briefly, the official religion, despite the fact that most of the people remained pagan. Georgian script was also adopted, though this has been mostly lost by now. Durdzuketia was destroyed by the. Simsir was a, and unlike Durdzuketia, it frequently switched around its alliances.

Despite common ethnic heritage with Durdzuketia, it was not always linked to its brotherly southern neighbor, although it was in certain periods. It was located roughly where today's and district are situated, on, along and around the Sunzha and Terek rivers. One should note that Northwest Chechnya and Northern Ingushetia were never part of its dominion, or of Durdzuketia's, but were in fact ruled by the Alans. It originally also had lands in Southeast Chechnya as well, but over the course of its existence, it became more and more focused on the Sunzha river as the core of its statehood. It managed to barely survive the First Mongol Invasion, and allied to the and adopted Islam afterwards.

However, this proved a mistake as the alliance bound it to war with, who invaded and destroyed it. Alliances with Georgia and Khazaria against the Arabs [ ]. Main article: During the 13th and 14th centuries, the Mongols and their Turkic vassals launched two long, massive invasions of the territory of modern (then the allied kingdom of Durdzuketia). They caused massive destruction and human death for the Chechens, but also greatly shaped the people they became afterward. The ancestors of the Chechens bear the distinction of being one of the few peoples to successfully resist the Mongols, not once, but twice, but this came at great cost to them, as their state was utterly destroyed. These invasions are among the most significant occurrences in Chechen history, and have had long-ranging effects on Chechnya and its people. The determination to resist the Mongols and survive as Vainakh at all costs cost much hardship on the part of ordinary people.

There is much on this among the modern Chechen and Ingush. One particular tale recounts how the former inhabitants of, during the First Mongolian Invasion and the surrounding area held a successful defense (waged by men, women and children) of the slopes of Mount Tebulosmta, before returning after that to reconquer their home region. Fierce resistance did not prevent the utter destruction of the state apparatus of Durdzuketia however. Pagan sanctuaries as well as the Orthodox Churches in the South were utterly destroyed. Under the conditions of the invasion, Christianity (already originally highly dependent on connections with Georgia) was unable to sustain itself in Chechnya, and as its sanctuaries and priests fell, those who had converted reverted to paganism for spiritual needs. Historical documents were also destroyed in mass amounts.

Within a few years of the invasion, Durdzuketia was history- but its resistant people were not. Even more disastrously, the Mongols successfully established control over much of the Sunzha river- thus an existential threat to the Chechen people due to their need for the Sunzha's (as well as the Terek's) agriculture to support their population. The feudal system of vassals and lords also fell into shambles. The utter destruction of the Vainakh's statehood, their lifestyle (and in the South, their religion), and much of their knowledge of history caused them to rebuild their culture in many ways. The population developed various methods of resistance and much of their later lifestyle during the resistance to the Mongols and in between the two wars. The clan system mapped onto battlefield organization.

Tactics using mountains and forests were perfected. It was during the Mongol invasions that the military defense towers that one associates today with the Vainakh population (see ) came into being. Many served simultaneously as homes, as sentry posts, and as fortresses from which one could launch spears, arrows, etc. The contribution of men, women and children of all classes paired with the destruction of the feudal system during the war, rich and poor also helped the Vainakh to develop a strong sense of egalitarianism, which was one of the major causes for the revolt against their new lords after the end of the Mongol Invasions. 'Ichkerian' era [ ] Post-Mongol era transition [ ] After defending the highlands, the Vainakh attacked Mongol control of the lowlands (after both Mongol invasions this occurred). Much of this area still had nominal Vainakh owners (as per the clan system which acknowledges the ownership of a piece of land by a certain teip), even after generations upon generations of not living there. Sky Map Pro 11 Crack Download. Much was retaken, only to be lost again due to the Second Mongol Invasion.

After that, the Vainakh managed to take most (but not all) of their former holdings on the Sunzha, but most of the Terek remained in Kypchak hands. The conflicts did not stop however, as there were clans that had ownership of lands now inhabited by Turkic peoples, meaning that if they did not retake the lands, they would lack their own territory and be forever reliant on the laws of hospitality of other clans (doing great damage to their honor). Conflicts between Vainakh and Turkic peoples originating from the Mongol Invasion when Chechens were driven out of the Terek and Sunzha rivers by Turco-Mongolian invaders continued as late as the 1750s and 1770s.

After that, the conflict was with newer arrivals in Northern Chechnya: the. The largescale return of Vainakh from the mountains to the plains began in the early 15th century (i.e.

Right after the end of the Second Mongol Invasion), and was completed by the beginning of the 18th century (by which point the invasion of Chechnya by Cossacks was approaching). The Nogai were driven North, and some those who stayed behind (as well as some Kumyks) may have been voluntarily assimilated by the Chechens, becoming the Chechen clans of Turkic origin. Although the Chechens now reoccupied the Northern Chechen Plains, the lords of the and sought to rule over their lands just as they had attempted to do (with varying success) with the Nogai in the area. The Kabardins established rule over the clans which would become the Ingush, but the Kumyks found the Plains Chechens to be very rebellious subjects, who only grudgingly acknowledged their rule. In the lands of Central and Southern Chechnya, Chechens from around the Sunzha, who had advanced socially, economically and technologically much more than their highland counterparts, established their own feudal rule. The feudal rulers were called byachi, or military. However, this feudalism, whether by Kumyks, Avars, Kabardins or Chechens was widely resented by the Chechens, and the spread of gunpowder and guns allowed for a massive revolution to occur.

Ichkeria [ ] Ichkeria was the Turkic name for Chechnya, which originally only referred to the Southern part of the territory (i.e. The part where the teips had intermixed less with other peoples) but was eventually extended to mean all Chechen lands. These included lands farther north, due to the period of minor global cooling at this time (the ') and due to land claims from the past, Chechens moved north, in some cases even farther North than they had been in a long time. Chechen settlements reached as far north as the in Northern.

The illesh, or epic legends, tell of conflicts between the Chechens and their Kumyk and Kabardin overlords. The Chechens apparently overthrew both their own overlords and the foreign ones, using the widespread nature of the guns among the populace to their advantage. As Jaimoukha puts it, 'based on the trinity of democracy, liberty and equality' these were overthrown and the 'tukhumtaip' legal system put into place, with the laws of. The 'tukhumtaip' system (see the section on ) functioned somewhat similar to that of a Western democracy, except that there was little importance of a centralized judicial branch (instead local courts held precedence), and that teip functioned like provinces, with representatives being elected by teip as well as by region.

This revolution, making the Chechens the 'French of the Caucasus', had a strong effect on the social and political mores of the Chechens. According to Amjad Jaimoukha, Chechen values based around democracy, freedom, ideological pluralism and deference to individuality date back to this event. Turco-Persian rivalry and the Russian Empire [ ] The onset of Russian expansionism to the south in the direction of Chechnya began with 's conquest of. Russian influence started as early as the 16th century when constructed a fort in in 1559 where the first army became stationed.

The Russian was secretly established in lowland Chechnya in 1577 by free Cossacks resettled from Volga River Valley to the Terek River Valley. With the new Cossack hosts settled in the proximity of the North Caucasian peoples and with the rivaling Turkish and Iranian empires from the south, the region would for the next few centuries be contested between the three, with Russia emerging as victorious only in the late 19th century, after multiple victorious wars against Iran, Turkey, and the native Caucasian peoples later on.

Turco-Persian and later Turco-Perso-Russian rivalry in the Caucasus [ ] Beginning in the late 15th and early 16th century, the and s started to fight for influence over the Caucasus. Many Caucasian peoples grew wary of both sides, and attempted to play one side off against the other. The rivalry was embodied by both the struggle between and Islam and the regional conflict of the two empires. The only major success for either side was the conversion of the by the to Shia Islam. Originally, relations with Russia was seen as a possible balance to the Ottomon and Safavid Empires, and a pro-Russian camp in Chechen politics formed (there were also pro-Ottoman and pro-Persian camps; each viewed their favored empire as the least bad of the three). In reality, the most favored empire from the beginning was the Ottoman Empire, but that did not mean the Chechens were not wary of a potential Ottoman attempt at conquering them.

Any hope towards positive relations with Russia ended in the late 18th and early 19th centuries when tensions with the Cossacks escalated and Russia began trying to conquer the Caucasus, starting with Georgia. After this point, many Chechens sealed, forever, their preference towards against and by converting to Sunni Islam in an attempt to win the sympathy of the Ottomans.

However, they were too late- the Ottoman Empire was already well into its period of decline and collapse, and not only was it no longer willing to assist Muslims (especially newly converted people, who were viewed as 'less Muslim' than peoples with a long Islamic heritage), but it was no longer able to even maintain its own state. Hence, the rivalry between Turkey and Persia became more and more abstract and meaningless as the threat of conquest by Russia and being pushed out of their lands or even annihilated by the Cossacks grew and grew. Arrival of the Cossacks [ ] The Cossacks, however, had settled in the lowlands just a bit off from the. This area, now around Naurskaya and was an area of dispute between the Mongols' Turkic vassals and their successors (the Nogais) and the Chechens. Pro Yakyuu Spirits 2011 Isole.

The mountainous highlands of Chechnya were economically dependent on the lowlands for food produce, and the lowlands just north of the were considered part of the Chechen lowlands. The Cossacks were much more assertive than the Nogais (who quickly became vassals to the ), and they soon replaced the Nogais as the regional rival.

This marked the beginning of Russo-Chechen conflict, if the Cossacks are to be considered Russian. The Cossacks and Chechens would periodically raid each other's villages, and seek to sabotage each other's crops, though there were also long periods without violence. Nonetheless, the Chechen versus Cossack conflict has continued to the modern day.

It was a minor theme in the works of (who managed to be sympathetic both to the Chechens and to the Cossacks). While the Chechens and Ingush primarily backed the anti-Tsarist forces in the, because of this, and the threat to the policies of the, the Terek Cossacks almost universally filed into the ranks of 's anti-Soviet, highly nationalistic. The habit of raids done by the Chechens (and to a lesser extent Ingush) against Cossacks, by the 20th century, had more or less become a cultural tradition. Both hatred of the oppressor (Chechens generally failed to see the distinction between Russian and Cossack, and to this day they may be used as synonyms) and the need to either fill the mouths of hungry children and to regain lost lands played a role.

The Chechen raiders, known as were the focal point of this conflict and are almost symbolic of the two different viewpoints. [ ] The Russian view on the abreks is that they were simple mountain bandits, a typical example of Chechen barbarism (often compared to Russian 'civilization', with general Colonialist racist vocabulary); [ ] they were depicted as rapists and murderers by Russian authors. [ ] The Chechen view is that they were heroes of valor, much like Robin Hood. As Moshe Gammer points out in his book Lone Wolf and Bear, Soviet ideology fell somewhere in between the two views- and notably, one such abrek,, was deified. Russo-Persian Wars and Caucasian Wars [ ]. Map of the Caucasian by J.

Grassl, 1856. As Russia set off for the first time to increase its political influence in the and the at the expense of, launched the, in which Russia succeeded in taking much of the Caucasian territories from Iran for several years.

Notable in Chechen history, this particular Russo-Persian War marked the first military encounter between Imperial Russia and the. As the Russians took control of the Caspian corridor and moved into Persian ruled Dagestan, Peters' forces ran into mountain tribes. Peter sent a cavalry force to subdue them, but the Chechens routed them.

In 1732, after Russia already ceded back most of the Caucasus to Persia, now led by, following the, Russian troops clashed again with Chechens in a village called Chechen-aul along the. The Russians were defeated again and withdrew, but this battle is responsible for the apocryphal story about how the Nokchi came to be known as 'Chechens'-the people onstensibly named for the place the battle had taken place.

The name Chechen was however already used since as early as 1692. In 1783, Russia and the eastern kingdom of signed. Kartli-Kakheti, led by, seeing that Persia was trying to put Georgia again under Persian rule, urged for the treaty which he hoped would guarantee Russian protection in the future. However, this did not prevent Persia which had been ruling Georgia intermittenly since 1555, now led by of the, from in 1795, and regaining full control over Georgia. This act Russia the direct option to push deeper into the Caucasus per the signed treaty with Georgia.

The spread of Islam was largely aided by Islam's association with resistance against Russian encroachment during the 16th to 19th centuries. Conquest [ ] In order to secure communications with Georgia and other future regions of the, the began spreading its influence into the mountains. The Chechens were actually first drawn into conflict with Russia when Russia attacked the Kumyks (and established the fort of Kizlyar), whom the Chechens were allied to.

Russia's Cossacks became imperial extensions and Russia sent its own soldiers to meet the escalating conflict (which was no longer simply between Russian and Kumyk). It soon met with fierce resistance from the mountain peoples. The Russians incorporated a strategy of driving the Chechens into the mountains, out of their lowland (relative) food source, thus forcing them to either starve or surrender. They were willing to do neither.

The Chechens moved to retake the lowlands: in 1785, a was declared on the Russians by, who was captured in 1791 and died a few years later. Nonetheless, expansion into the region, usually known at this point as Ichkeria, or occasionally Mishketia (probably coming from Kumyk or Turkish; also rendered Mitzjeghia, etc.), was stalled due to the persistence of Chechen resistance.

Following the incorporation of neighbouring into the empire after its forced ceding by in 1803–1813 following the and the outcoming, forces under began moving into Chechnya in 1830 to secure Russia's borders with. Another successful Caucasus war against several years later, starting in and ending in 1828 with the, and a successful war against in enabled Russia to use a much larger portion of its army in subdueing the natives of the. In the course of the prolonged, the Chechens, along with many peoples of the Eastern Caucasus, united into the and resisted fiercely, led by the commanders, and. For military details see. While their program of united resistance to Russian conquest was popular, uniting Ichkeria/Mishketia with Dagestan was not necessarily (see Shamil's page), especially as some Chechens still practiced the indigenous religion, most Chechen Muslims belonged to heterodox teachings (divided between Qadiri and Naqshbandiya, with a strong Qadiri majority), rather than the more orthodox Sunni Islam of Dagestan; and finally, the rule of Ichkeria by a foreign ruler not only spurred distrust, but also threatened the existence of Ichkeria's indigenous 'taip-conference' government structure. Thus, was regarded by many Chechens as simply being the lesser evil.

Shamil was an Avar who practiced a form of Islam that was largely foreign to Chechnya, and in the end, he ended up happy in Russian custody, demonstrating furthermore his lack of compatibility with the leadership of the cause. Worse still, [ ] he presented his cause not as a fight for freedom, but also as a fight to purify Islam, and aimed many of his criticisms at fellow Avars as well as Chechen leaders and non-Avar Dagestani leaders. The Chechens, as well as many Dagestanis, fought on even after his defeat, undaunted.

In addition to failing to win the sincere support of not only the Chechens, but also the Ingush, and many Dagestani peoples, Shamil also was thwarted in his goal of uniting East Caucasian and West Caucasian resistance (Circassians, Abkhaz, etc.), especially given the conditions of the. A major reason for this failure was Russia's success in convincing the to take their side in the conflict, who followed the same religion (Orthodox Christianity) as them. The Ossetes, living right in between The Ingush and the Circassian federation, blocked all contacts between the two theaters of war.

Chechnya was finally absorbed into the Russian Empire in 1859 after Shamil's capture. Imam Shamil, among modern Chechens, is alternately glorified and demonized: his memory is evoked as someone who successfully held off Russian conquest, but on the other hand, he ruled Ichkeria heavy-handedly, and was an Avar and worked mainly for the interest of his own people. Nonetheless, the name Shamil is popular largely due to his legacy. The Russian generals had a special hatred of Chechens, the most bold and stubborn nation with the most aggravating (for the Russians) battlefield tactics. Ermolov stated once that he would 'never rest until [only] one Chechen is left alive'. In 1949, Soviet authorities erected a statue of 19th-century Russian general in.

The inscription read, 'There is no people under the sun more vile and deceitful than this one.' As Caucasian historian Charles King points, the methods used by the Russians would today be called genocidal warfare. An example of these tactics (in fact recorded in this case by a Russian officer) by the Russian army and the Cossacks went like this: At this moment, General Krukovskii, with saber drawn, sent the Cossacks forward to the enemies' houses. Many, but not all, managed to save themselves by running away; the Cossacks and the militia seized those who remained and the slaughter began, with the Chechens, like anyone with no hope of survival, fought to their last drop of blood. Making a quick work of the butchery, the ataman [Cossack commander] gave out a cry and galloped on to the gorge, toward the remaining villages where the majority of the population was concentrated.

The long and brutal war caused a prolonged wave of until the end of the 19th century, of hundreds of thousands of Chechens. According to such estimates (Jaimoukha cites the earlier historian A. Rogov), there were as many as 1.5 million Chechens in the North Caucasus in 1847 (and probably many more before that, as there had already been much fighting and destruction by that point), but by 1861 there were only 140000 remaining in the Caucasus. By 1867, after the wave of expulsions, there were only 116000 Chechens.

Hence, in those 20 years, the number of Chechens decreased by 1384000, or 92.3%. In the 1860s, Russia commenced with to the region. Although Circassians were the main (and most notorious) victims, the expulsions also gravely affected other peoples in the region.

It was estimated that 80% of the Ingush left Ingushetia for the Middle East in 1865. Lowland Chechens as well were evicted in large numbers, and while many came back, the former Chechen Lowlands lacked their historical Chechen populations for a long period until Chechens were settled in the region during their return from their. The Arshtins, at that time a (debatably) separate people, were completely wiped out as a distinct group: according to official documents, 1366 Arshtin families disappeared (i.e. Either fled or were killed) and only 75 families remained. These 75 families, realizing the impossibility of existing as a nation of only hundreds of people, joined (or rejoined) the Chechen nation as the Erstkhoi tukhum.

Post-conquest [ ]. Main article: As Chechens fled and were deported to Turkey, and settled in Chechnya. The presence of Cossacks in particular was resented deeply by the Chechens. Alongside another, the 1877 ' saw the 22-year-old rise alongside a rebellion of under in.

The main Chechen force was dispersed by Russian heavy artillery at on May 3 and the leadership was surrounded by November. In December, Ali Bek-Haji and his naibs surrendered upon Russian promises of amnesty but 23 of the 28 were hanged by March 1878. Scholar George Anchabadze noted that this coincided with a major revolt, and is comparable to various earlier mass revolts in the South Caucasus by Georgians, Abkhaz, Transcaucasian Avars, Azeris, Talysh, and Lezghins. All these revolts drew their force from the mass opposition of the population to the brutality and exploitation of Russian rule (even among peoples like Georgians, Azeris and Talysh who had originally been incorporated relatively easily), and used similar guerrilla tactics.

In the aftermath of the uprising, however, many Chechens were dispossessed or exiled to in favor of local collaborators such as the Cossacks. They subsequently abandoned open gazavat (') until the 1917 revolutions. By the end of the 19th century, major deposits were discovered around (1893) which along with the arrival of the (early 1890s), brought economic prosperity to the region (then administered as part of the ) for the oil-mining Russian colonists. The immigration of colonists from Russia brought about a three-way distinction between Chechens and Ingush on one hand, Cossacks on a second, and 'other-towners' (inogorodtsy), namely Russians and Ukrainians, who came to work as laborers. A debatable fourth group, including Armenian bankers and richer Russians, and even some rich Chechens (such as Chermoev), arose later. Emergence of European-styled nationalism [ ] During the late 1860s and 1870s (just 10 years after the incorporation of Chechenia into the Tsarist Empire), the Chechens underwent a national reawakening in the European sense of the term. The conflict with Russia and its final incorporation into the empire, however, brought about the formation of a modern, European, nationalist identity of Chechens, though it ironically solidified their separation, mainly over politics, from the Ingush.

The nation was held to be all-important, trumping religion, political belief, or any other such distinction. In 1870, Chakh Akhiev wrote a compilation of Chechen and Ingush fairy tales (called 'Chechen fairytales'). In 1872, Umalat Laudaev, an early Chechen nationalist, recorded the contemporary customs of the Chechens. Following in his footsteps, Chakh Akhiev did the same for their 'brothers', the Ingush, the following year. Other notable early Chechen nationalists included Akhmetkhan, Ibraghim Sarakayev, Ismail Mutushev. Later imperial Chechen nationalists include the five Sheripov brothers, among others. Among these, Sarakayev, Mutushev.

Akhmetkhan and Danilbek Sheripov were notably democratic-minded writers, while Danilbek's younger brother, Aslanbek, would adopt. Chechens and Ingush [ ] Today, the Ingush view themselves as a separate nation, but this, as before, is mainly due to political differences. Akhiev's various use of in his 'Chechen fairytales' (published 1870, it was actually a collection of Chechen and Ingush fairytales, primarily told with the Ingush versions) illustrates the Ingush's confusion over their identities (Akhiev himself was in fact Ingush)- throughout both of his works, he alternatively refers to the Ingush as a distinct nation at some parts, but as a Chechen subdivision at others. Nonetheless, both Ingush and Chechens frequently assert that they are 'brothers', and will often take an insult to the others nation personally even if they do not view it to be their own. This sort of relationship is comparable to that of the Czechs and the Slovaks, with the Chechens playing the role of the Czechs and the Ingush that of the Slovaks. It is notable that the separation of the Ingush from the rest of Chechendom was a gradual process, beginning around Timurlane's invasion, when the Ingush were conquered but the Chechens did not.

In the 16th century, the Ingush, formerly a collection of Chechen clans known as the Angusht, broke off formally. [ ] The Ingush as well as a Chechen tukhum called the Arshtin later fell under Circassian rule, while the Chechens remained independent until the Kumyks briefly established control. The Chechens had a revolution in the 17th century (against both their own collaborating overlords and the foreign Kumyk rulers) where guns allowed them to overthrow their feudal rulers and formally reestablish their egalitarian, practically democratic type conference/Mexk-Kham government system. This development did not occur with the Ingush, who saw their autonomy increasingly stripped by foreign rule.

However, the main cause in modern days of the critical choice the Ingush made in 1991 was acquired during Russian imperial rule- the, where the Ossetes were encouraged, with Russian assistance, to dispossess the Ingush of roughly a little over half their land, kick them out, and massacre those that tried to stay. The conflict over the land, which the Ingush view as necessary to any Ingush political unit, continues today, and the Ingush considered it more important than unity with their brothers (much to the Chechens' dismay). This meant that when declared independence from Russia in November 1991, the Ingush would decide to withdraw, not because they did not want independence, but because a state boundary splitting them from Prigorodny would put it out of their reach. World War I [ ].

This section is empty. You can help. (October 2013) Soviet Union [ ] Post World War I chaos [ ] During the the Northern Caucasus switched hands several times between 's, the and the, which eventually allied with the as they promised them greater and self-rule. Initially, the Chechens, like many other Caucasians, looked very positively upon communism. The indigenous Chechen systems and culture led them to place a high value on equality, and communists promised an end to imperialism (and especially Tsarist rule), making them even more attractive.

Furthermore, the majority of Chechens lived in poverty. As was also the case for many Georgians, the cultural tolerance and anti-imperialist rhetoric of communism was what made it so appealing to Chechens (and so terrifying for Cossacks). Many Sufi priests, despite communism's contempt for religion, filed into the ranks of the communists as they felt that preserving the morals of their religion (including equality, which the communists stood for) was more important than its practice. However, like other peoples, divisions arose among the Chechens. The differentiation between classes had by now arisen (or re-arisen) and notably, alliances between the Russians (and other 'inogorodtsy') were also splintered. This combined with the ethnic division of Chechnya- between the natives as well as other non-Christian minorities, the 'old colonists' (i.e. Cossacks) and the 'recent colonists' (non-Cossack Russians), combined with the political divisions among each group, led to a complicated conflict pitting many different forces against each other.

At only one year into the conflict, five distinct forces with separate interests had formed with influence in Chechnya: the, the ' Chechens following, the Qadiri Communist-Islamists under, the urban Russian Bolsheviks in, and lastly the relatively insignificant Naqshbandis with loyalties to Islamists in. In response to the, the Bolsheviks seized power in the city of Grozny, their stronghold in Chechnya. Meanwhile, a 'Civil Executive Committee' was formed in the Terek rayon by a group of native 'bourgeoisie'. It notably included the Chechen oil-magnate Tapa Chermoev in its structures. The Civil Executive Committee was a multi-national organ and included people from many of the ethnic groups of the Caucasus.

It nominally accepted the authority of the Provisional Government in Moscow, but explicitly stated its goal of securing autonomy. A third force, the Terek Cossacks, began organizing to resist the Bolsheviks who had taken control of Grozny (as well as some other cities in the Caucasus). To make matters even more confusing, a group of Naqshbandi Islamists in Dagestan organized under the shiekh and livestock breeder Najmuddin of Hotso, and declared an Muftiate of the North Caucasus in the summer of 1917, supposedly a successor state to Shamil's.

The Chechen Qadiri shiekh,, a 'Communist-Islamist' who believed that Communism was compatible with Qadiri-Sunni Islam, set up a Chechen National Soviet. Mitayev shared the communist ideals of the Russian Bolsheviks in Groznyi, but insisted on Chechen national autonomy as well. As the scenario progressed, Chermoev and the rest of the Civil Executive Committee would temporarily set aside their disdain for the Naqshbandi Islamists and persuade Najmuddin to serve in their government, which evolved from the Civil Executive Committee into a Mountain Republic. At this point, the clash was between the Whites and the indigenous peoples who opposed them. The and Cossacks sided with the Whites, whereas everyone else fought them.

[ ] This therefore made Bolshevism become the lesser evil or even a strong ally against the Whites. The originally reluctant support of the Bolsheviks soon became firm after the Whites began committing massacres against Chechen villages. [ ] became the ruler of the Chechen constituent to the 'Mountain republic'. Chermoev ironically allied himself with the Cossacks against the inogorodsty, who seized power briefly in early 1917. Chermoev and the other major figures among the Mountain Republic sought to incorporate the Cossacks (establishing what would have been essentially the first friendly relations between Chechens and Cossacks- unsurprisingly, the uneasy alliance soon gave way). A Chechen National Soviet was set up under Ali Mitayev.

Dagestani Islamists tried to establish an and incorporate the Chechens, but the Chechens wanted nothing to do with them- one of the few things all Chechens, which even the Islamists agreed on (most Chechens were Qadiri, meaning they viewed the Naqshbandi with contempt). The alliance between the Caucasians and the Cossacks soon disintegrated as the threat posed by the inogorodcy receded. Chechens and Ingush demanded a return of the lands they had been robbed of in the previous century, and the Chermoev government, increasingly revealed as without any control over its land, despite opposing this (and in doing so, losing the support of its main constituents), was powerless to stop them.

Chechens stormed North to reclaim the northern parts of their homeland, and land-hungry, impoverished Chechens revived the practice of attacking the Cossack stanitsas in order to feed their children. As the Chermoev government collapsed, Chechens allied, at least vocally, with the Mensheviks in Georgia, while the Cossacks tried to ally with the Bolsheviks, who, appealing to the Cossacks, referred to the Chechen's actions as being symptoms (unfathomably) of 'racist bourgeois nationalism' (using bourgeois to refer to a practically impoverished people). However, the Cossacks did not have an affinity to the Bolsheviks, and when the 's Whites appeared on the scene, their appeal to Cossacks as Russian patriots, and their contempt for non-Russians resonated strongly with the Cossacks. The civil war dragged on, and Chechen hopes in the soon were dashed as the Mensheviks became increasingly weakened and lost control of the Northern regions of their own country. The Whites, with their Cossack and allies, massacred village after village of Caucasians [ ] (it was then that the Georgians of North Ossetia, previously 1-2% of the population, were forced to flee and the rest completely massacred, by the Ossete Whites and Cossacks). The Bolsheviks appealed to the Caucasians (except the Georgians, who remained loyal to the Mensheviks, who they viewed as slowly becoming Georgian patriots), arguing that they now realized that the Cossacks who they had appealed to previously were merely imperial tools, and that, knowing this, they would back Caucasian demands all the way. The Chechens were desperate for any sort of help against the Cossacks, and wanted to reverse the cause of their perennial poverty- the loss of Northern Chechenia to the Cossacks- so they joined the Reds by the thousand.

Originally, the advancing Bolsheviks (who were also mainly ethnically Russian, like the Whites they defeated) were viewed as liberators. However, less than half a year after their arrival, rebellion on the part of the Chechens against the Bolsheviks flared up again, because it was discovered by the Chechens that 'the Russian Bolsheviks were just a new kind of imperialist, in Communist disguise'. Following the end of the conflict in 1921, the Chechnya-Ingushetia had been first made part of the, and until it was disbanded in 1924 received the official status of an within the in 1936. Early inter-war period: the Spring of the 1920s [ ]. This section is empty. You can help. (June 2010) 1930s: Stalinist period [ ] In 1930s Chechnya was flooded with many Ukrainians fleeing the genocide known as.

Despite the threats from the Soviet government not to provide food and shelter to starving Ukrainians, the rebellious peoples did not follow Soviet orders. As the result many of the Ukrainians settled in Chechen-Ingush ASSR on the permanent basis and were able to survive the famine. On December 5, 1936 an Autonomous Soviet Socialist Chechen-Ingush Republic was proclaimed.

Renewed Chechen nationalism (Hassan Israilov) [ ]. This section is empty. You can help. (June 2010) World War II [ ] Observing Finland's fight against Russia caused the Chechens to begin to believe that it was then the time to achieve their long-desired liberation from the Russian yoke. By February 1940, (Xhasan Israel-khant) and his brother Xussein had established a guerrilla base in the mountains of south-eastern Chechnya, where they worked to organize a unified guerrilla movement to prepare an. In February 1940 Israilov's rebel army took large areas of South and Central Checheno-Ingushetia. The rebel government was established in Galanchozh.

Israilov described his position on why they were fighting numerous times: 'I have decided to become the leader of a war of liberation of my own people. I understand all too well that not only in, but in all nations of the it will be difficult to win freedom from the heavy yoke of imperialism. But our fervent belief in justice and our faith in the support of the freedom-loving peoples of the Caucasus and of the entire world inspire me toward this deed, in your eyes impertinent and pointless, but in my conviction, the sole correct historical step.

The valiant Finns are now proving that the Great Enslaver Empire is powerless against a small but freedom-loving people. In the Caucasus you will find your second Finland, and after us will follow other oppressed peoples.' 'For twenty years now, the Soviet authorities have been fighting my people, aiming to destroy them group by group: first the kulaks, then the mullahs and the 'bandits', then the bourgeois-nationalists. I am sure now that the real object of this war is the annihilation of our nation as a whole. That is why I have decided to assume the leadership of my people in their struggle for liberation.' After the, the brothers organized large meetings in areas not yet taken to gather supporters. In some areas, up to 80% of men were involved in the insurrection.

It is known that the Soviet Union used against the rebels, causing losses primarily to the civilian population. In February 1942, organized rebellion in, and tried to take Itum-Kale. His forces unified with Israilov's soon after, and they began taking control of areas of Western Dagestan. The insurrection caused many Chechen and Ingush soldiers of the to. Some sources claim that total number of deserted mountaineer soldiers reached 62,750, exceeding the number of mountaineer fighters in the Red Army. The Germans made concerted efforts to coordinate with Israilov. Germany sent saboteurs and aided the rebels at times with 's, which was sent on the premise of saving the oil refinery in Grozny from destruction by the Red Army (which it accomplished).

However Israilov's refusal to cede control of his revolutionary movement to the Germans, and his continued insistence on German recognition of Chechen, led many Germans to consider Khasan Israilov as unreliable, and his plans unrealistic. Although the Germans were able to undertake in Chechnya—such as the of —attempts at a German-Chechen alliance floundered. That the Chechens actually were allied to the Germans is highly questionable and usually dismissed as false.

They did have contact with the Germans. However, there were profound ideological differences between the Chechens and the Nazis (self-determination versus imperialism), neither trusted the other. The Germans also courted the Coassacks, who were traditionally enemies of the Chechens. Mairbek Sheripov reportedly gave the a sharp warning that 'if the liberation of the Caucasus meant only the exchange of one colonizer for another, the Caucasians would consider this [a theoretical fight pitting Chechens and other Caucasians against Germans] only a new stage in the national liberation war.' Operation Lentil/Aardakh [ ]. Main article: Russian federal forces overran in November 1994.

Although the forces achieved some initial successes, the federal military made a number of critical strategic blunders during the Chechnya campaign and was widely perceived as incompetent. Led by, conducted successful operations from the mountainous terrain. By March 1995, became leader of the Chechen.

Russia first appointed in early 1995 a government with Khadzhiev as ruler and Avturxanov as deputy. Gantemirov was also restored to his position as mayor of Grozny. However, later in the fall of that year, Khadzhiev was replaced with, the former head of the republic who had fled after the Dudayev-led revolution in 1990–1991. He was extremely unpopular not only among the Chechens, but also among even the Russian, who nicknamed him 'Doku Aeroportovich' because he rarely ever left the Russian-run airbase in Khankala By statistics given by the Russian government itself's Audit Committee, he was allocated 12.3 trillion rubles in the first two months alone in a republic now impoverished by war and bloodshed. Although at first, the Russians had the upper hand despite determined homegrown Chechen civilian resistance, halfway through the war, the separatist Chechen government released a statement calling for help.

They received it both from the Islamic world (with numbers of Arabs streaming in), but more prominently from former Soviet states and satellites, with,,,, Dagestanis,,, Georgians,,,,, and even a few Russians streaming in to aid the so-called 'cause of freedom' that the Chechen government professed. [ ] Diaspora Chechens also returned, as parallel to the, to aid their 'daymokhk'(fatherland). With the new troops also came new weaponry, and from this point forward, the tables were turned, with the Russian army becoming more and more mutinous and lacking of morale, while the anti-Russian side was growing stronger and more confident (see also:, on this phenomenon). Seizure of the helicopter In June 1995, Chechen guerrillas occupied a hospital in the southern Russian town of (in ), taking over 1,000 hostages. Federal forces attempted to storm the hospital twice and failed; the guerrillas were allowed to leave after freeing their hostages.

This incident, televised accounts of s and mass destruction, and the resulting widespread demoralization of the federal army, led to a federal withdrawal and the beginning of negotiations on March 21, 1996. Separatist President Dudayev was killed in a Russian rocket attack on April 21, 1996 and the Vice-president became president. Negotiations on Chechen independence were repeatedly finally tabled in August 1996, leading to the end of the war and withdrawal of federal forces.

In the later stages of the First Chechen War, a large exodus of non-Vainakhs occurred. In the case of the originally 200,000 strong Russian minority, this is usually cited as a result of growing anti-ethnic-Russian sentiment among the Vainakh populace, which had been suppressed during the rule of Dudayev (who, despite appealing to Chechen nationalism and secession, was a native speaker of Russian, and most importantly was married to a Russian), who in some cases supported Russia. Interwar period: 1996–1999 [ ] In 1997, comfortably won the election, campaigning as a moderate who would unite the various factions within Chechen society, but establish Chechnya as an independent and, aligning itself with the West more than with the Middle East, as well as keeping Ichkeria safe from another armed conflict with Russia by maintaining relatively positive relations.

Yandarbiev's platform was an explicitly Islamic state with some implementation of sharia law, and a largely Islamophilic foreign policy. Basaev, finally, insisted on focusing less on gaining foreign support and recognition and more on rebuilding Ichkeria's own military. Basaev, despite criticizing Yandarbiev's policy towards radical Islamic groups, stated that attacks on Russian territory outside Chechnya should be executed if it is necessary to remind Russia that Ichkeria was not a pushover. At the point of 1997, as evidenced from the election, Maskhadov's policy of relative moderation and looking West for help was most popular, though he gained considerable following because of his status as a war hero. The results of the election were a 79.4% turnout, with 59.3% voting for Maskhadov, 23.5% voting for Basaev and 10.1% voting for Yandarviev.

Aslan Maskhadov became President in 1997, but was unable to consolidate control as the wartorn republic devolved into regional bickering among local leaders and. One major source of his unpopularity was the perception of him being 'weak' in dealing with Russia, which was exploited by the more militaristic opposition.

Maskhadov sought to maintain Chechen sovereignty while pressing to help rebuild the republic, whose formal economy and infrastructure were virtually destroyed. Russia continued to send money for the rehabilitation of the republic; it also provided pensions and funds for schools and hospitals. However, much of this did not arrive, its disappearance being attributed to embezzlement by either Russian or Chechen officials/warlords (or both). Nearly half a million people (40% of Chechya's prewar population) had been internally displaced and lived in or overcrowded villages. The economy was destroyed. Two Russian brigades were stationed in Chechnya and did not leave Chechnya had been badly damaged by the war and the economy was in a shambles.

Aslan Maskhadov tried to concentrate power in his hands to establish authority, but had trouble creating an effective state or a functioning. He attempted to attract foreign investment in Chechnya's industry and reconstruction of Grozny. The war ravages and lack of economic opportunities left numbers of armed former guerrillas with no occupation but further violence., robberies, and killings of fellow Chechens and outsiders, most notably the killings of four employees of Granger Telecom in 1998, weakened the possibilities of outside investment and Maskhadov's efforts to gain international recognition of its independence effort. Kidnappings became common in Chechnya, procuring over $200 million during the three-year independence of the chaotic fledgling state, but victims were rarely killed. In 1998, 176 people had been kidnapped, and 90 of them had been released during the same year according to official accounts. There were several of criminals.

Caving to intense pressure from his Islamist foes in his desire to find a national consensus, Maskhadov allowed the proclamation of the Islamic Republic of Ichkeria in 1998 and the system of justice was introduced. President started a major campaign against hostage-takers, and on October 25, 1998, Shadid Bargishev, Chechnya's top anti-kidnapping official, was killed in a remote controlled car bombing. Bargishev's colleagues then insisted they would not be intimidated by the attack and would go ahead with their offensive. Other anti-kidnapping officials blamed the attack on Bargishev's recent success in securing the release of several hostages, including 24 Russian soldiers and an English couple. Maskhadov blamed the rash of abductions in Chechnya on unidentified 'outside forces' and their Chechen henchmen, allegedly those who joined Pro-Moscow forces during the second war.

Some of the kidnapped (most of whom were non-Chechens) were sold into indentured servitude to Chechen families. They were openly called slaves and had to endure starvation, beating, and often maiming. The years of independence had some political violence as well. On December 10 Mansur Tagirov, Chechnya's top prosecutor, disappeared while returning to Grozny.

On June 21 the Chechen security chief and a guerrilla commander fatally shot each other in an argument. The internal violence in Chechnya peaked on July 16, 1998, when fighting broke out between Maskhadov's National Guard force led by (who joined pro-Moscow forces in the second war) and militants in the town of; over 50 people were reported killed and the was declared in Chechnya. Maskhadov proved unable to guarantee the security of the running across Chechnya from the, and illegal oil tapping and acts of deprived his regime of crucial revenues and agitated. In 1998 and 1999 Maskhadov survived several attempts, blamed on the Russian intelligence services.

Second Chechen War and its consequences [ ]. Map of Chechnya In August 1999 renegade Chechen and Arab commanders led a large group of militants into.

Headed by and (who were opposed vehemently by the government in Grozny, from which they had broken off allegiance), the fought Russian forces in Dagestan for a week before being driven back into Chechnya proper. On September 9, 1999, Chechens were blamed for the in and several other explosions in Russia. These events were viewed by Russia's new prime minister as a violation of the by the Chechen side. Thus, on October 1, 1999, Russian troops entered Chechenya. However, according to then-interior minister Sergei Stepashin, the invasion of Chechnya would have occurred even if these events had not occurred: 'The decision to invade Chechnya was made in March 1999.

I was prepared for an active intervention. We were planning to be on the north side of the by August–September [of 1999] This [the war] would happen regardless to the. Putin did not discover anything new. You can ask him about this.

He was the director of FSB at this time and had all information'. Much better trained and prepared than in the first war, by December all of the northern steppe regions were conquered, and was encircled, which finally surrendered in early February 2000. By late spring all of the lowland, and most of the mountainous territory was successfully re-claimed by the federal forces. After several years of military administration, in 2002, a local government was formed by Russian-allied Chechens headed. In 2003, referendum on constitution and presidential election were held.

However, it was widely criticized, and in some cases, the vote recorded was not only vastly more than the actual population living there, but the majority of 'voters' were Russian soldiers and dead Chechens (who of course were 'loyal' pro-Russians, according to the results). The Chechen separatists initially resisted fiercely, and several high-profile battles resulted in their victories such as the and. Nonetheless the success in establishing a Russian-allied Chechen militia and the actions of meant that in 2002 Putin announced that the war was officially over. However, the continued, and has spread to neighbouring regions with high-profile clashes such as the and the. After Beslan, there was a 4-5-year drought of major attacks by Chechens outside of Chechnya. According to some, this was due to an element of embarrassment and guilt on the part of the Chechen rebels over the deaths of children in. The 9/11 attack on the caused a disaster for the Chechens, as much of the West went from passive sympathy to hostility as Russia was able to brand Chechen separatism as Islamist.

As Amjad Jaimoukha puts it, The al-Qaeda attacks on the US on 11 September 2001 resulted in a major setback to the Chechen cause and robbed the Chechens of the small modicum of sympathy they had had in the West. Russia played its cards right and quickly associated Chechen legitimate struggle for independence with Muslim extremism. The raid on Beslan had, in fact, more to do with the Ingush involved than the Chechens, but was highly symbolic for both. The Ossetes and Ingush had (and have) a conflict over ownership of the, which hit high points during the 1944 genocide, and the ethnic cleansing of Ingush by Ossetes (the Ossetes getting assistance from the Russian military) in 1992–3. At the time of the raid, there were still over 40000 Ingush refugees in tent camps in Ingushetia and Chechnya.

The Beslan school itself had been used against the Ingush- in 1992 the gym was used as a pen to round up Ingush for expulsion and/or massacre by the Ossetes. For the Chechens, the motive was revenge for the destruction of their homes and, indeed families: Beslan was the site from which missiles were launched at Chechnya. A large fraction (overwhelming majority) of the people involved in the hostage taking raid also direct victims of Russian abuse, including many who were victimized as children and/or, in the case of Khaula Nazirov, had their children ironically murdered by Russian troops during a raid of a school. Once, however, it was broadcast that there were large amounts of children killed by a group that included Chechens, the Chechens were struck with a large amount of shame. One spokesman for the Chechen cause stated that 'Such a bigger blow could not be dealt upon us. People around the world will think that Chechens are monsters if they could attack children'. He went on to state that the Russians had killed far more children, including in schools during their war in Chechnya, and that this had been deliberately ignored by the rest of the world.

Nonetheless, largely for this reason, attacks ceased until 2008. Both the federal and separatist armies have been widely criticized by human rights groups such as for alleged committed during the two Chechen wars, including accusations on both sides of rape, torture, looting, and the murder of civilians [ ] The Russian military has been repeatedly reported to have used vacuum bombs and bombed white-flag bearing civilian vessels (see the ) by international charity groups. Dozens of (created by the Russian side) containing hundreds of corpses have been uncovered since the beginning of the in 1994. As of June 2008, there were 57 registered locations of mass graves in. According to, thousands may be buried in including up to 5,000 civilians who disappeared since the beginning of the in 1999.

In 2008, the largest mass grave found to date was uncovered in, containing some 800 bodies from the in 1995. Russia's general policy to the Chechen mass graves is to not them. The two wars have left millions of people living in poverty, up to half a million refugees (particularly ethnic Russians), and most of the infrastructure destroyed. Kadyrov claims that since then Northern Chechnya and Grozny have been rebuilt. These claims have been refuted by most other sources (such as Tony Wood ), who note that most of the revenue has gone to the construction of Kadyrov's private mansion for his clan and his expensive birthday celebration.

In a CNN interview, Kadyrov once compared the Chechen people to a pet lion cub, stating that '.[they] will either learn to be obedient or it will kill me'. Recent events have suggested that Russia could come into conflict with even Kadyrov. Recently has also made statements seeming to support broad autonomy, criticizing Russian attempts to make a 'North Caucasus' district inviting back separatist leader Akhmad Zakayev, and very warm (and somewhat disturbing for Russia even) support for Abkhaz independence. Conversely, when Kadyrov started a campaign in October 2010 to crack down on bridenapping, the Russian press responded with criticism claiming that he was trying to use it to seize more autonomy. Furthermore, Putin's current policy for internal division of the Russian Federation is not at all pleasing for advocates of self-determination (or, for Kadyrov, the retainment of his personal power): it advocates 'enlargement of regions of Russia'. Sergei Mironov stated on March 30, 2002 that '89 federation subjects is too much, but larger regional units are easier to manage' and that the goal was to merge them into 7 federal districts.

Gradually, over time, ethnic republics were to be abolished to accomplish this goal of integration. See also [ ] • References [ ].

Game or Patch Questions? Visit MAIN N E T W O R K Cossacks Art of War / European War [Add-On] / Back to War [Add-On] System Language Protection CD Cover: PC:: AoW: / BtW: / EW: /[RUSSIAN]: Index • • • • • • • • • • • • • • Related FileForums Posts • Related Games • • Backup Notes • Always make a backup of the files that are overwritten by the File Archive, as the original files are usually needed to update the game to a newer version! ECoXxX File Archive [118 KB] Bratb File Archive [103 KB] MAXHO File Archive #1 [1.0 MB] - Myth File Archive #2 [787 KB] Magma Dragoon File Archive #1 [1.0 MB] - Myth File Archive #2 [165 KB] MYTH TEAM File Archive [1.0 MB] MYTH TEAM File Archive [775 KB] MYTH TEAM File Archive [775 KB] alsolo File Archive [621 KB] - CopyLok MonkeyTown File Archive [752 KB] - unSafeDisc ALADIN File Archive [772 KB] DEViANCE File Archive [611 KB] Play Instructions: • Install the game - Full Installation. • Apply the official Cossacks: European War v3.03 Patch. • Replace the original DMCR.EXE file with the one from the File Archive. • Play the Game!? File Archive [548 KB] Play Instructions: • Install the game - Full Installation.

• Apply the official Cossacks: European War v1.02 Patch. • Replace the original DMCR.EXE file with the one from the File Archive.

• Play the Game! Dynasty File Archive [661 KB] Play Instructions: • Install the game - Full Installation. • Extract the File Archive to the game directory - overwriting existing files.

• Execute REGSETUP.EXE to update the windows registry. • Execute DMCR.EXE to play the Game!