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Edition used: Benjamin Franklin, The Works of Benjamin Franklin, including the Private as well as the Official and Scientific Correspondence, together with the Unmutilated and Correct Version of the Autobiography, compiled and edited by John Bigelow (New York: G.P. Putnam’s Sons, 1904). The Federal Edition in 12 volumes. II (Letters and Misc. Writings 1735-1753). Available in the following formats: 458 Bytes This is a facsimile or image-based PDF made from scans of the original book.

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989 KB This is a simplifed HTML format, intended for screen readers and other limited-function browsers. 865 KB ePub standard file for your iPad or any e-reader compatible with that format About this Title: Volume 2 of a 12 volume collection of the works of Franklin edited by the New York lawyer and politician John Bigelow. 2 contains a essays and letters written between 1735 and 1753. Copyright information: The text is in the public domain. Fair use statement: This material is put online to further the educational goals of Liberty Fund, Inc. Unless otherwise stated in the Copyright Information section above, this material may be used freely for educational and academic purposes. It may not be used in any way for profit.

Table of Contents: • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • •. XVII: ON TRUE HAPPINESS The desire of happiness in general is so natural to us that all the world are in pursuit of it; all have this one end in view, though they take such different Edition: current; Page: [8 ] methods to attain it, and are so much divided in their notions of it. Evil, as evil, can never be chosen; and though evil is often the effect of our own choice, yet we never desire it but under the appearance of an imaginary good. Many things we indulge ourselves in may be considered by us as evils, and yet be desirable; but then they are only considered as evils in their effects and consequences, not as evils at present and attended with immediate misery. Reason represents things to us not only as they are at present, but as they are in their whole nature and tendency; passion only regards them in their former light.

When this governs us we are regardless of the future, and are only affected with the present. It is impossible ever to enjoy ourselves rightly if our conduct be not such as to preserve the harmony and order of our faculties and the original frame and constitution of our minds; all true happiness, as all that is truly beautiful, can only result from order.

Whilst there is a conflict betwixt the two principles of passion and reason, we must be miserable in proportion to the struggle, and when the victory is gained and reason so far subdued as seldom to trouble us with its remonstrances, the happiness we have then is not the happiness of our rational nature, but the happiness only of the inferior and sensual part of us, and consequently a very low and imperfect happiness to what the other would have afforded us. Edition: current; Page: [9 ] If we reflect upon any one passion and disposition of mind abstract from virtue, we shall soon see the disconnexion between that and true, solid happiness. It is of the very essence, for instance, of envy to be uneasy and disquieted. Pride meets with provocations and disturbances upon almost every occasion. Covetousness is ever attended with solicitude and anxiety. Ambition has its disappointments to sour us, but never the good fortune to satisfy us; its appetite grows the keener by indulgence, and all we can gratify it with at present serves but the more to inflame its insatiable desires.

The passions, by being too much conversant with earthly objects, can never fix in us a proper composure and acquiescence of mind. Nothing but an indifference to the things of this world, an entire submission to the will of Providence here, and a well-grounded expectation of happiness hereafter, can give us a true satisfactory enjoyment of ourselves. Virtue is the best guard against the many unavoidable evils incident to us; nothing better alleviates the weight of the afflictions or gives a truer relish of the blessings of human life. Cannot Open Hasp Driver Image Pro Plus more. What is without us has not the least connexion with happiness only so far as the preservation of our lives and health depends upon it.

Health of body, though so far necessary that we cannot be perfectly happy without it, is not sufficient to make us happy of itself. Happiness springs immediately from the mind; health is but to be considered as a condition or circumstance, without which this happiness cannot be tasted pure and unabated. Edition: current; Page: [10 ] Virtue is the best preservative of health, as it prescribes temperance and such a regulation of our passions as is most conducive to the well-being of the animal economy, so that it is at the same time the only true happiness of the mind and the best means of preserving the health of the body. If our desires are to the things of this world, they are never to be satisfied. If our great view is upon those of the next, the expectation of them is an infinitely higher satisfaction than the enjoyment of those of the present. There is no happiness then but in a virtuous and self-approving conduct. Unless our actions will bear the test of our sober judgments and reflections upon them, they are not the actions and consequently not the happiness of a rational being.

XVIII: ON GOVERNMENT.—NO. I Government is aptly compared to architecture; if the superstructure is too heavy for the foundation the building totters, though assisted by outward props of art. But leaving it to everybody to mould the similitude according to his particular fancy, I shall only observe that the people have made the most considerable part of the legislature in every free state; which has been more or less so in proportion to the share they have had in the administration of affairs. The English constitution is fixed on the strongest basis; we choose whomsoever we please Edition: current; Page: [11 ] for our representatives, and thus we have all the advantages of a democracy without any of its inconveniences. Popular governments have not been framed without the wisest reasons. It seemed highly fitting that the conduct of magistrates, created by and for the good of the whole, should be made liable to the inspection and animadversion of the whole. Besides, there could not be a more potent counterpoise to the designs of ambitious men than a multitude that hated and feared ambition.

Moreover, the power they possessed, though great collectively, yet, being distributed among a vast number, the share of each individual was too inconsiderable to lay him under any temptations of turning it to a wrong use. Again, a body of people thus circumstanced cannot be supposed to judge amiss on any essential points; for if they decide in favor of themselves, which is extremely natural, their decision is just, inasmuch as whatever contributes to their benefit is a general benefit and advances the real public good. Hence we have an easy solution of the sophism, so often proposed by the abettors of tyranny, who tell us that when differences arise between a prince and his subjects the latter are incapable of being judges of the controversy, for that would be setting up judge and party in the same person. Some foreigners have had a truer idea of our constitution. ON GOVERNMENT.—NO. II An ancient sage of the law says: “The King can do no wrong, for, if he doeth wrong, he is not the King.” And in another place: “When the King doth justice, he is God’s vicar; but when he doth Edition: current; Page: [15 ] unjustly, he is the agent of the Devil.” The politeness of the later times has given a softer turn to the expression.

It is now said: The King can do no wrong, but his ministers may. In allusion to this the Parliament of 1641 declared they made war against the King for the King’s service. But his Majesty affirmed that such a distinction was absurd; though, by the way, his own creed contained a greater absurdity, for he believed he had an authority from God to oppress the subjects whom by the same authority he was obliged to cherish and defend. Aristotle calls all princes tyrants, from the moment they set up an interest different from that of their subjects; and this is the only definition he gives us of tyranny. Our own countryman before cited and the sagacious Greek both agree on this point, that a governor who acts contrary to the ends of government loses the title bestowed on him at his institution. It would be highly improper to give the same name to things of different qualities or that produce different effects. Matter, while it communicates heat, is generally called fire, but when the flames are extinguished the appellation is changed.

Sometimes indeed the same sound serves to express things of a contrary nature, but that only denotes a defect or poverty in the language. A wicked prince imagines that the crown receives a new lustre from absolute power, whereas every step he takes to obtain it is a forfeiture of the crown. His conduct is as foolish as it is detestable; he Edition: current; Page: [16 ] aims at glory and power, and treads the path that leads to dishonor and contempt; he is a plague to his country, and deceives himself. During the inglorious reigns of the Stuarts (except a part of Queen Anne’s), it was a perpetual struggle between them and the people: those endeavouring to subvert, and these bravely opposing the subverters of liberty. What were the consequences? One lost his life on the scaffold, another was banished. The memory of all of them stinks in the nostrils of every true lover of his country; and their history stains with indelible blots the English annals.

The reign of Queen Elizabeth furnishes a beautiful contrast. All her views centred in one object, which was the public good. She made it her study to gain the love of her subjects, not by flattery or little soothing arts, but by rendering them substantial favors. It was far from her policy to encroach on their privileges; she augmented and secured them. And it is remarked to her eternal honor, that the acts presented to her for her royal approbation (forty or fifty of a session of Parliament) were signed without examining any farther than the titles. This wise and good Queen only reigned for her people, and knew that it was absurd to imagine they would promote any thing contrary to their own interests, which she so studiously endeavoured to advance. On the other hand, when this Queen asked money of the Parliament they frequently gave her more than she demanded, and never inquired Edition: current; Page: [17 ] how it was disposed of, except for form’s sake, being fully convinced she would not employ it but for the general welfare.

Happy princes, happy people! What harmony, what mutual confidence!

Seconded by the hearts and purses of her subjects, she crushed the exorbitant power of Spain, which threatened destruction to England and chains to all Europe. That monarchy has ever since pined under the stroke, so that now, when we send a man-of-war or two to the West Indies, it puts her into such a panic fright that if the galleons can steal home she sings Te Deum as for a victory.

This is a true picture of government; its reverse is tyranny. XIX: ON DISCOVERIES The world but a few ages since was in a very poor condition as to trade and navigation; nor indeed were they much better in other matters of useful knowledge. It was a green-headed time; every useful improvement was hid from them; they had neither looked into heaven nor earth, into the sea nor land, as has been done since. They had philosophy without experiments, mathematics without instruments, geometry without scale, astronomy without demonstration. They made war without powder, shot, cannon, or Edition: current; Page: [18 ] mortars; nay, the mob made their bonfires without squibs or crackers. They went to sea without compass, and sailed without the needle.

They viewed the stars without telescopes, and measured latitudes without observation. Learning had no printing-press, writing no paper, and paper no ink. The lover was forced to send his mistress a deal board for a love-letter, and a billet-doux might be about the size of an ordinary trencher. They were clothed without manufacture, and their richest robes were the skins of the most formidable monsters. They carried on trade without books, and correspondence without posts; their merchants kept no accounts, their shopkeepers no cash-books; they had surgery without anatomy, and physicians without the materia medica; they gave emetics without ipecacuanha, drew blisters without cantharides, and cured agues without the bark. As for geographical discoveries, they had neither seen the North Cape, nor the Cape of Good Hope south. All the discovered inhabited world which they knew and conversed with was circumscribed within very narrow limits, viz., France, Britain, Spain, Italy, Germany, and Greece; the lesser Asia, the west part of Persia, Arabia, the north parts of Africa, and the islands of the Mediterranean sea, and this was the whole world to them; not that even these countries were fully known either, and several parts of them not inquired into at all.

Germany was known little further than the banks of the Elbe; Poland as little beyond the Vistula, or Hungary as little beyond the Danube; Muscovy or Russia perfectly Edition: current; Page: [19 ] unknown, as much as China beyond it; and India only by a little commerce upon the coast about Surat and Malabar. Africa had been more unknown, but by the ruin of the Carthaginians; all the western coast of it was sunk out of knowledge again and forgotten; the northern coast of Africa, in the Mediterranean, remained known, and that was all; for the Saracens overrunning the nations which were planted there ruined commerce as well as religion. The Baltic sea was not discovered, nor even the navigation of it known; for the Teutonic knights came not thither till the thirteenth century. America was not heard of, nor so much as a suggestion in the minds of men that any part of the world lay that way. The coasts of Greenland, or Spitsbergen, and the whale-fishing not known; the best navigators in the world, at that time, would have fled from a whale with much more fright and horror than from the Devil in the most terrible shapes they had been told he appeared in. The coasts of Angola, Congo, the Gold and the Grain coasts, on the west side of Africa, whence, since that time, such immense wealth has been drawn, not discovered, nor the least inquiry made after them. All the East India and China trade, not only undiscovered, but out of the reach of expectation!

Coffee and tea (those modern blessings of mankind) had never been heard of. All the unbounded ocean we now call the South Sea was hid and unknown. All the Atlantic ocean beyond the mouth of the Straits was frightful and terrible in the distant prospect, nor durst any one peep into it, Edition: current; Page: [20 ] otherwise than as they might creep along the coast of Africa, towards Sallee or Santa Cruz. The North Sea was hid in a veil of impenetrable darkness. The White Sea, or Archangel, was a very modern discovery; not found out till Sir Hugh Willoughby doubled the North Cape, and paid dear for the adventure, being frozen to death with all his crew, on the coast of Lapland; while his companions’ ship, with the famous Mr.

Chancellor, went on to the gulf of Russia, called the White Sea, where no Christian strangers had ever been before him. In these narrow circumstances stood the world’s knowledge at the beginning of the fifteenth century, when men of genius began to look abroad and about them. Now, as it was wonderful to see a world so full of people, and people so capable of improving, yet so stupid and so blind, so ignorant and so perfectly unimproved; it was wonderful to see with what a general alacrity they took the alarm, almost all together, preparing themselves as it were on a sudden, by a general inspiration, to spread knowledge through the earth and to search into every thing that it was possible to uncover. How surprising is it to look back so little a way behind us and see that even in less than two hundred years all this (now so self-wise) part of the world did not so much as know whether there was any such place as a Russia, a China, a Guinea, a Greenland, or a North Cape!

That as to America, it was never supposed there was any such place; neither had the world, though they stood upon the shoulders of four thousand years’ experience, the Edition: current; Page: [21 ] least thought so much as that there was any land that way! As they were ignorant of places, so of things also; so vast are the improvements of science that all our knowledge of mathematics, of nature, of the brightest part of human wisdom, had their admission among us within these two last centuries. What was the world, then, before? And to what were the heads and hands of mankind applied? The rich had no commerce, the poor no employment; war and the sword was the great field of honor, the stage of preferment; and you have scarce a man eminent in the world for any thing before that time but for a furious, outrageous falling upon his fellow-creatures, like Nimrod and his successors of modern memory. The world is now daily increasing in experimental knowledge; and let no man flatter the age with pretending we have arrived at a perfection of discoveries. • What ’s now discovered only serves to show, • That nothing ’s known to what is yet to know.

Edition: current; Page: [22 ]. XXI: NECESSARY HINTS TO THOSE THAT WOULD BE RICH The use of money is all the advantage there is in having money. For six pounds a year you may have the use of one hundred pounds, provided you are a man of known prudence and honesty. He that spends a groat a day idly spends idly above six pounds a year, which is the price for the use of one hundred pounds.

He that wastes idly a groat’s worth of his time per day, one day with another, wastes the privilege of using one hundred pounds each day. He that idly loses five shillings’ worth of time loses five shillings, and might as prudently throw five shillings into the sea. He that loses five shillings, not only loses that sum, but all the advantage that might be made by turning it in dealing, which, by the time that a young man becomes old, will amount to a considerable sum of money. Again, he that sells upon credit asks a price for what he sells equivalent to the principal and interest of his money for the time he is to be kept out of it; therefore he that buys upon credit pays interest for what he buys, and he that pays ready money might let that money out to use; so that he that possesses any thing he has bought, pays interest for the use of it. Yet, in buying goods, it is best to pay ready money, Edition: current; Page: [27 ] because he that sells upon credit expects to lose five per cent by bad debts; therefore he charges, on all he sells upon credit, an advance that shall make up that deficiency.

Those who pay for what they buy upon credit pay their share of this advance. He that pays ready money escapes, or may escape, that charge. • A penny saved is two pence clear, • A pin a day ’s a groat a year. Courteous Reader: I have heard that nothing gives an author so great pleasure as to find his works respectfully quoted by others. Judge, then, how much I must have been gratified by an incident I am going to relate to you. I stopped my horse lately where a great number of people were collected at an auction of merchants’ Edition: current; Page: [28 ] goods.

The hour of the sale not being come, they were conversing on the badness of the times; and one of the company called to a plain, clean, old man, with white locks: “Pray, Father Abraham, what think you of the times? Will not these heavy taxes quite ruin the country?

How shall we ever be able to pay them? What would you advise us to do?” Father Abraham stood up and replied: “If you would have my advice, I will give it you in short; for A word to the wise is enough, as Poor Richard says.” They joined in desiring him to speak his mind, and gathering round him he proceeded as follows: “Friends,” said he, “the taxes are indeed very heavy, and if those laid on by the government were the only ones we had to pay, we might more easily discharge them, but we have many others and much more grievous to some of us. We are taxed twice as much by our idleness, three times as much by our pride, and four times as much by our folly, and from these taxes the commissioners cannot ease or deliver us by allowing an abatement. However, let us hearken to good advice and something may be done for us; God helps them that help themselves, as Poor Richard says. It would be thought a hard government that should tax its people one-tenth part of their time, to be employed in its service, but idleness taxes many of us much more; sloth by bringing on diseases, absolutely shortens life.

Sloth, like rust, consumes faster than labor wears, while the used key is always bright, as Poor Richard says. But dost thou love life, Edition: current; Page: [29 ] then do not squander time, for that is the stuff life is made of, as Poor Richard says. How much more than is necessary do we spend in sleep, forgetting that The sleeping fox catches no poultry, and that There will be sleeping enough in the grave, as Poor Richard says. “ If time be of all things the most precious, wasting time must be, as Poor Richard says, the greatest prodigality, since, as he elsewhere tells us, Lost time is never found again, and what we call time enough always proves little enough.

Let us then up and be doing, and doing to the purpose; so by diligence shall we do more with less perplexity. Sloth makes all things difficult, but industry all things easy; and He that riseth late must trot all day, and shall scarce overtake his business at night; while Laziness travels so slowly that Poverty soon overtakes him. Drive thy business, let not that drive thee; and Early to bed and early to rise, makes a man healthy, wealthy, and wise, as Poor Richard says. “So what signifies wishing and hoping for better times? We may make these times better if we bestir ourselves. Industry need not wish, and he that lives upon hopes will die fasting.

There are no gains without pains; then help, hands, for I have no lands; or if I have they are smartly taxed. He that hath a trade hath an estate, and he that hath a calling hath an office of profit and honor, as Poor Richard says; but then the trade m.

Dioscorides',, 15th-century manuscript, by which time the text had been in circulation for about 1500 years A herbal is a book containing the names and descriptions of plants, usually with information on their medicinal,,,,,, or powers, and the associated with them. A herbal may also classify the plants it describes, may give recipes for,, or, and sometimes include and animal in addition to those obtained from plants. Herbals were often illustrated to assist.

Herbals were among the first literature produced in, China, India, and Europe as the medical wisdom of the day accumulated by, and. Herbals were also among the first books to be printed in both China and Europe. In Western Europe herbals flourished for two centuries following the introduction of moveable type (c. In the late 17th century, the rise of modern, and reduced the medicinal value of the classical herbal. As reference manuals for study and plant identification herbals were supplanted by – systematic accounts of the plants found growing in a particular region, with scientifically accurate botanical descriptions,, and illustrations.

Herbals have seen a modest revival in the since the last decades of the 20th century, as and related disciplines (such as and ) became popular forms of. Contents • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • History [ ] The word herbal is derived from the liber herbalis ('book of herbs'): it is sometimes used in contrast to the word, which is a treatise on flowers with emphasis on their beauty and enjoyment rather than the herbal emphasis on their utility. Much of the information found in printed herbals arose out of and herbal knowledge that predated the invention of writing.

Before the advent of printing, herbals were produced as, which could be kept as or loose sheets, or bound into. Early handwritten herbals were often illustrated with paintings and drawings. Like other manuscript books, herbals were 'published' through repeated copying by hand, either by professional scribes or by the readers themselves. In the process of making a copy, the copyist would often translate, expand, adapt, or reorder the content. Most of the original herbals have been lost; many have survived only as later copies (of copies.), and others are known only through references from other texts. As printing became available, it was promptly used to publish herbals, the first printed matter being known as.

In Europe, the first printed herbal with (xylograph) illustrations, the Puch der Natur of, appeared in 1475. Metal-engraved plates were first used in about 1580. Sap Jvm Download Patch Upgrade. As woodcuts and metal engravings could be reproduced indefinitely they were traded among printers: there was therefore a large increase in the number of illustrations together with an improvement in quality and detail but a tendency for repetition.

As examples of some of the world's most important records and first printed matter, researchers will find herbals scattered through the world's most famous libraries including the in Rome, the in Oxford, the in Windsor, the in London and the major continental libraries. China, India, Mexico [ ] Shen Nung Pen Ts’ao ching of China [ ]. Further information: and China is renowned for its traditional herbal medicines that date back thousands of years. Legend has it that mythical Emperor, the founder of Chinese herbal medicine, composed the or Great Herbal in about 2700 BCE as the forerunner of all later Chinese herbals. It survives as a copy made c. 500 CE and describes about 365 herbs. High quality herbals and on particular plants were produced in the period to 1250 CE including: the Zhenlei bencao written by Tang Shenwei in 1108, which passed through twelve editions until 1600; a monograph on the by Cai Xiang in 1059 and one on the oranges of Wenzhhou by Han Yanzhi in 1178.

In 1406 prince Zhu Xiao (朱橚) published the illustrated herbal for. It contained high quality woodcuts and descriptions of 414 species of plants of which 276 were described for the first time, the book pre-dating the first European printed book by 69 years. It was reprinted many times. Other herbals include Bencao Fahui in 1450 by Xu Yong and Bencao Gangmu of Li Shizhen in 1590. Sushruta Samhita of India [ ]. A page from the, the most complete and extensive of surviving ancient herbals The ancient Egyptian Papyrus Ebers is one of the earliest known herbals; it dates to 1550 BCE and is based on sources, now lost, dating back a further 500 to 2000 years. The earliest herbal dates from about 2500 BCE as a copied manuscript of the 7th century BCE.

Inscribed tablets dated 668–626 BCE list about 250 vegetable drugs: the tablets include herbal plant names that are still in use today including:,, and. The ancient Greeks gleaned much of their medicinal knowledge from Egypt and Mesopotamia. (460–377 BCE), the 'father of medicine' (renowned for the eponymous ), used about 400 drugs, most being of plant origin. However, the first Greek herbal of any note was written by in the fourth century BC—although nothing remains of this except its mention in the written record. It was ’s pupil (371–287 BCE) in his, (better known as the Enquiry into Plants) and De Causis Plantarum ( On the Causes of Plants) that established the scientific method of careful and critical observation associated with modern botanical science. Based largely on Aristotle’s notes, the Ninth Book of his Enquiry deals specifically with medicinal herbs and their uses including the recommendations of herbalists and druggists of the day, and his plant descriptions often included their natural habitat and geographic distribution.

With the formation of the c. 330 BCE medicine flourished and written herbals of this period included those of the physicians,, Andreas of Karystos, Appolonius Mys, and. The work of rhizomatist (the rhizomati were the doctors of the day, berated by Theophrastus for their superstition) Krateuas ( 110 BCE) is of special note because he initiated the tradition of the illustrated herbal in the first century BCE. Dioscorides – De Materia Medica [ ]. Main article: The (c.

40–90 CE; Greek, Περί ύλης ιατρικής 'Peri hules iatrikes', 'On medical materials') of, a physician in the Roman army, was produced in about 65 CE. It was the single greatest classical authority on the subject and the most influential herbal ever written, serving as a model for herbals and pharmacopoeias, both oriental and occidental, for the next 1000 years up to the. It drew together much of the accumulated herbal knowledge of the time, including some 500 medicinal plants. The original has been lost but a lavishly illustrated copy known as the dating from about 512 CE remains. Pliny – Naturalis Historia [ ]. Main article: 's (23–79 CE) encyclopaedic Naturalis Historia (c. 77–79 CE) is a synthesis of the information contained in about 2000 scrolls and it includes myths and folklore; there are about 200 extant copies of this work.

It comprises 37 books of which sixteen (Books 12–27) are devoted to trees, plants and medicaments and, of these, seven describe medicinal plants. In medieval herbals, along with De Materia Medica it is Pliny's work that is the most frequently mentioned of the classical texts, even though the work De Simplicibus of (131–201 CE) is more detailed and notable. Another Latin translation of Greek works that was widely copied in the Middle Ages, probably illustrated in the original, was that attributed to and this also contained the alternative names for particular plants given in several languages. It dates to about 400 CE and a surviving copy dates to about 600 CE. The Middle Ages and Arab World [ ]. Further information: During the 600 years of the European Middle Ages from 600 to 1200, the tradition of herbal lore fell to the. Many of the monks were skilled at producing books and manuscripts and tending both medicinal gardens and the sick, but written works of this period simply emulated those of the classical era.

Meanwhile, in the Arab world, by 900 the great Greek herbals had been translated and copies lodged in centres of learning in the of the eastern Mediterranean including Byzantium, Damascus, Cairo and Baghdad where they were combined with the botanical and pharmacological lore of the Orient. In the, and made a major contribution to the knowledge of herbal medicines. Those associated with this period include (Masawaiyh, 777–857) who, in his Opera Medicinalia, synthesised the knowledge of Greeks, Persians, Arabs, Indians and Babylonians, this work was complemented by the medical encyclopaedia of (Ibn Sina, 980–1037). Avicenna’s Canon of Medicine was used for centuries in both East and West.

During this period Islamic science protected classical botanical knowledge that had been ignored in the West and Muslim pharmacy thrived. Albertus Magnus – De Vegetabilibus [ ]. Main article: In the thirteenth century, scientific inquiry was returning and this was manifest through the production of encyclopaedias; those noted for their plant content included a seven volume treatise by Albertus Magnus (c.

1193–1280) a Suabian educated at the University of Padua and tutor to. It was called De Vegetabilibus (c. 1256 AD) and even though based on original observations and plant descriptions it bore a close resemblance to the earlier Greek, Roman and Arabic herbals. Other accounts of the period include De Proprietatibus Rerum (c. 1230–1240) of English Franciscan monk and a group of herbals called Tractatus de Herbis written and pained between 1280 and 1300 by at the East-West cultural centre of Salerno Spain, the illustrations showing the fine detail of true botanical illustration.

Western Europe [ ]. Illustration from 's A Curious Herbal (1737) Perhaps the best known herbals were produced in Europe between 1470 and 1670.

The invention in Germany of printing from movable type in a printing press c. 1440 was a great stimulus to herbalism. The new herbals were more detailed with greater general appeal and often with Gothic script and the addition of woodcut illustrations that more closely resembled the plants being described.

Three important herbals, all appearing before 1500, were printed in Mainz, Germany. Two of these were by, his Latin Herbarius in 1484, followed by an updated and enlarged German version in 1485, these being followed in 1491 by the Hortus Sanitatis printed. Other early printed herbals include the Kreuterbuch of from Germany in 1539 and, in England, the New Herball of William Turner in 1551 were arranged, like the classical herbals, either alphabetically, according to their medicinal properties, or as 'herbs, shrubs, trees'. Arrangement of plants in later herbals such as Cruydboeck of and John Gerard’s Herball of 1597 became more related to their physical similarities and this heralded the beginnings of scientific.

By 1640 a herbal had been printed that included about 3800 plants – nearly all the plants of the day that were known. In the and, European herbals diversified and innovated, and came to rely more on direct observation than being mere adaptations of traditional models. Typical examples from the period are the fully illustrated De Historia Stirpium Commentarii Insignes by (1542, with over 400 plants), the themed by (1653), and the Curious Herbal by (1737). Anglo-Saxon herbals [ ] Anglo-Saxon plant knowledge and gardening skills (the garden was called a wyrtzerd, literally, herb-yard) appears to have exceeded that on the continent.

Our limited knowledge of plant vernacular comes primarily from manuscripts that include: the and the. The Leechbook of Bald (Bald was probably a friend of of England) was painstakingly produced by the scribe Cild in about 900–950 CE. This was written in the (native) tongue and not derived from Greek texts. The oldest illustrated herbal from Saxon times is a translation of the Latin Herbarius Apulei Platonici, one of the most popular medical works of medieval times, the original dating from the fifth century; this Saxon translation was produced about 1000–1050 CE and is housed in the British Library. Another vernacular herbal was the Buch der natur or 'Book of Nature' by (1309–1374) which contains the first two botanical woodcuts ever made; it is also the first work of its kind in the vernacular. Anglo-Norman herbals [ ] In the 12th and early 13th centuries, under the influence of the, the herbals produced in Britain fell less under the influence of France and Germany and more that of Sicily and the Near East.

This showed itself through the -influenced framed illustrations. Anglo-Saxon herbals in the vernacular were replaced by herbals in Latin including Macers Herbal, De Viribus Herbarum (largely derived from Pliny), with the English translation completed in about 1373.

Fifteenth-century incunabula [ ] The earliest printed books and broadsheets are known as. The first printed herbal appeared in 1469, a version of Pliny's; it was published nine years before Dioscorides De Materia Medica was set in type.

Important incunabula include the encyclopaedic De Proprietatibus Rerum of monk (c. 1203–1272) which, as a manuscript, had first appeared between 1248 and 1260 in at least six languages and after being first printed in 1470 ran to 25 editions. Assyrian physician (926–1016) wrote the popular De Simplicibus, Grabadin and Liber Medicinarum Particularum the first of his printings being in 1471. These were followed, in Italy, by the Herbarium of and three German works published in Mainz, the Latin Herbarius (1484), the first herbal published in Germany, German Herbarius (1485), the latter evolving into the (1491). To these can be added ’s De Virtutibus Herbarum, based on Pliny's work; the 1477 edition is one of the first printed and illustrated herbals. Fifteenth-century manuscripts [ ] In medieval times, medicinal herbs were generally referred to by the apothecaries (physicians or doctors) as ' or '. Before 1542, the works principally used by apothecaries were the treatises on simples by and ’s Liber De Simplici Medicina.

The De Synonymis and other publications of Simon Januensis, the Liber Servitoris of Bulchasim Ben Aberazerim, which described the preparations made from plants, animals and minerals, provided a model for the chemical treatment of modern pharmacopoeias. There was also the of Nicolaus de Salerno, which contained compounds arranged in alphabetical order. Spain and Portugal – de Orta, Monardes, Hernandez [ ] The Spaniards and Portuguese were explorers, the Portuguese to India () and Goa where physician (1490–1570) based his work Coloquios dos Simples (1563). The first botanical knowledge of the came from Spaniard (1493–1588) who published Dos Libros between 1569 and 1571. The work of Hernandez on the herbal medicine of the Aztecs has already been discussed.

Germany – Bock, Brunfels and Fuchs [ ]. A hand-coloured woodcut from ' Herbarum Vivae Eicones (c. 1489–1534), (1501–1566) and (1498–1554) were known as the 'German fathers of botany' although this title belies the fact that they trod in the steps of the scientifically feted whose writings on herbalism were Physica and Causae et Curae (together known as Liber subtilatum) of 1150. The original manuscript is no longer in existence but a copy was printed in 1533. Another major herbalist was (1515–1544). The 1530, Herbarum Vivae Eicones of Brunfels contained the admired botanically accurate original woodcut colour illustrations of Hans Weiditz along with descriptions of 47 species new to science.

Bock, in setting out to describe the plants of his native Germany, produced the New Kreuterbuch of 1539 describing the plants he had found in the woods and fields but without illustration; this was supplemented by a second edition in 1546 that contained 365 woodcuts. Bock was possibly the first to adopt a botanical classification in his herbal which also covered details of ecology and plant communities. In this, he was placing emphasis on botanical rather than medicinal characteristics, unlike the other German herbals and foreshadowing the modern. De Historia Stirpium (1542 with a German version in 1843) of Fuchs was a later publication with 509 high quality woodcuts that again paid close attention to botanical detail: it included many plants introduced to Germany in the sixteenth century that were new to science. The work of Fuchs is regarded as being among the most accomplished of the Renaissance period. Low Countries – Dodoens, Lobel, Clusius [ ] The Flemish printer established a reputation publishing the works of Dutch herbalists and and developing a vast library of illustrations.

Translations of early Greco-Roman texts published in German by Bock in 1546 as Kreuterbuch were subsequently translated into as Pemptades by Dodoens (1517–1585) who was a Belgian botanist of world renown. This was an elaboration of his first publication Cruydeboeck (1554). (1538–1616) published his Stirpium Adversaria Nova (1570–1571) and a massive compilation of illustrations while Clusius’s (1526–1609) magnum opus was Rariorum Plantarum Historia of 1601 which was a compilation of his Spanish and Hungarian floras and included over 600 plants that were new to science. Italy – Mattioli, Calzolari, Alpino [ ]. Early Italian manuscript herbal, c. Plants illustrated are,, and In Italy, two herbals were beginning to include botanical descriptions. Notable herbalists included (1501–1577), physician to the Italian aristocracy and his Commentarii (1544), which included many newly described species, and his more traditional herbal Epistolarum Medicinalium Libri Quinque (1561).

Sometimes, the local flora was described as in the publication Viaggio di Monte Baldo (1566) of. (1553–1617) published in 1592 the highly popular account of overseas plants De Plantis Aegypti and he also established a in Padua in 1542, which together with those at Pisa and Florence, rank among the world’s first. England – Turner, Gerard, Parkinson, Culpeper [ ]. An engraving of Parkinson from his work Theatrum Botanicum (1640), reprinted in 's Herbals William Turner (?1508–7 to 1568) was an English, botanist, and who studied at and eventually became known as the “father of English botany.' His 1538 publication Libellus de re Herbaria Novus was the first essay on scientific botany in English. His three-part A New Herball of 1551–1562–1568, with woodcut illustrations taken from Fuchs, was noted for its original contributions and extensive medicinal content; it was also more accessible to readers, being written in vernacular English. Turner described over 200 species native to England.

And his work had a strong influence on later eminent botanists such as and. John Gerard (1545–1612) is the most famous of all the English herbalists. His Herball of 1597 is, like most herbals, largely derivative. It appears to be a reformulation of Hieronymus Bock's Kreuterbuch subsequently translated into as Pemptades by (1517–1585), and thence into by, (1526–1609) then re-worked by in 1578 as A Nievve Herball.

This became the basis of Gerard's Herball or General Historie of Plantes. That appeared in 1597 with its 1800 woodcuts (only 16 original). Although largely derivative, Gerard's popularity can be attributed to his evocation of plants and places in Elizabethan England and to the clear influence of gardens and gardening on this work. He had published, in 1596, Catalogus which was a list of 1033 plants growing in his garden. John Parkinson (1567–1650) was apothecary to and a founding member of the Worshipful Society of Apothecaries. He was an enthusiastic and skilful gardener, his garden in Long Acre being stocked with rarities.

He maintained an active correspondence with important English and Continental botanists, herbalists and plantsmen importing new and unusual plants from overseas, in particular the and. Parkinson is celebrated for his two monumental works, the first Paradisi in Sole Paradisus Terrestris in 1629: this was essentially a gardening book, a for which awarded him the title Botanicus Regius Primarius – Royal Botanist. The second was his Theatrum Botanicum of 1640, the largest herbal ever produced in the English language. It lacked the quality illustrations of Gerard's works, but was a massive and informative compendium including about 3800 plants (twice the number of Gerard's first edition Herball), over 1750 pages and over 2,700 woodcuts. This was effectively the last and culminating herbal of its kind and, although it included more plants of no discernible economic or medicinal use than ever before, they were nevertheless arranged according to their properties rather than their natural affinities. Wikiquote has quotations related to: Nicholas Culpeper (1616–1654) was an English,,, and from London's East End. His published books were A Physicall Directory (1649), which was a pseudoscientific pharmacopoeia.

The English Physitian (1652) and the Complete Herbal (1653), contain a rich store of pharmaceutical and herbal knowledge. His works lacked scientific credibility because of their use of, though he combined diseases, plants and astrological prognosis into a simple integrated system that has proved popular to the present day. Back cover of the Chinese pharmacopoeia (1930) The legacy of the herbal extends beyond medicine to botany and horticulture.

Herbal medicine is still practiced in many parts of the world but the traditional grand herbal, as described here, ended with the European Renaissance, the rise of modern medicine and the use of synthetic and industrialized drugs. The medicinal component of herbals has developed in several ways.

Firstly, discussion of plant lore was reduced and with the increased medical content there emerged the official pharmacopoeia. The first British Pharmacopoeia was published in the English language in 1864, but gave such general dissatisfaction both to the medical profession and to chemists and druggists that the General Medical Council brought out a new and amended edition in 1867.

Secondly, at a more popular level, there are the books on culinary herbs and herb gardens, medicinal and useful plants. Finally, the enduring desire for simple medicinal information on specific plants has resulted in contemporary herbals that echo the herbals of the past, an example being 's, first published in 1931 but with many subsequent editions.

Illustration of Delphinium peregrinum in by and (1806–1840) The magical and mystical side of the herbal also lives on. Herbals often explained plant lore, displaying a superstitious or spiritual side.

There was, for example, the fanciful, the belief that there were similarities in the appearance of the part of the body affected the appearance of the plant to be used as a remedy. The astrology of Culpeper can be seen in contemporary () and alternative medical approaches like, and other medicine show connections with herbals and traditional medicine. It is sometimes forgotten that the plants described in herbals were grown in special herb gardens (physic gardens). Such herb gardens were, for example, part of the medieval monastery garden that supplied the simples or officinals used to treat the sick being cared for within the monastery. Early were also associated with institutes of learning, whether a,. It was this medieval garden of the fourteenth to sixteenth centuries, attended by and, that established a tradition leading to the systems gardens of the eighteenth century (gardens that demonstrated the classification system of plants) and the modern.

The advent of printing, woodcuts and metal engraving improved the means of communication. Herbals prepared the ground for modern botanical science by pioneering plant description, classification and illustration. From the time of the ancients like Dioscorides through to Parkinson in 1629, the scope of the herbal remained essentially the same.

The greatest legacy of the herbal is to botany. Up to the seventeenth century, botany and medicine were one and the same but gradually greater emphasis was placed on the plants rather than their medicinal properties. During the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, plant description and classification began to relate plants to one another and not to man. This was the first glimpse of non-anthropocentric botanical science since Theophrastus and, coupled with the new system of, resulted in 'scientific herbals' called that detailed and illustrated the plants growing in a particular region. These books were often backed by, collections of dried plants that verified the plant descriptions given in the Floras.

In this way modern botany, especially, was born out of medicine. As herbal historian remarks – 'Sibthorp's monumental Flora Graeca is, indeed, the direct descendant in modern science of the De Materia Medica of Dioscorides.' See also [ ] • • • • References [ ]. • ^ Arber, p.

• Leyel, in Grieve. • ^ Anderson, p. • Stuart, pp. • Stuart, pp. • See Arber, 1984 • Morton, pp. • See Andrews, 1982, pp. • Jackson, p.

• Blunt & Raphael, p. • Stuart, pp. • Blunt & Raphael, p. • ^ Blunt & Raphael, p. • Blunt & Raphael, p. • See Tang, W. & Eisenbrand, 1992.

• See Unschuld, 1985. • See Hong-Yen Hsu, 1980. • Woodland, p. • See Wujastyk, 2003. • See Dwivedi et al., 2007. • Kutumbian, pp. • ^ Stuart, p.

• ^ Stuart, p. • Tiltman, John H.

(Summer 1967). 'The Voynich Manuscript: 'The Most Mysterious Manuscript in the World '. NSA Technical Journal. access-date= requires url= () • ^ Anderson, p. 101 • Arber, pp. • Anderson, pp. • ^ Stuart, p. • Greene, pp.

111 • Arber, p. • Raphael, p. • Anderson, p. • Anderson, pp.

• Blunt & Raphael, p. • • Arber, pp.

• Anderson, p. • Anderson, pp. • Sprague, T. 'The Herbal of Valerius Cordus'. The Journal of the Linnean Society of London. Linnean Society of London. • Anderson, pp.

• Raphael, p. • Anderson, pp. • Anderson, p.

• ^ Raphael, p. • Blunt & Raphael, pp.

• Anderson, p. • Anderson, pp.

• Davis, Dylan Warren (January 2005).. Retrieved 2010-07-14. • Culpeper, Nicholas (1649)..

Retrieved 2010-07-15. • Culpeper, Nicholas (1652).. Retrieved 2010-07-15. • Culpeper, Nicholas (1653).. Retrieved 2010-07-15. • Raphael, p. Footnotes [ ] Bibliography [ ].